Our People's Inalienable Rights 

 are derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Our Rights in the Federation

are enshrined in UN Resolution 1350-XII of March 13th, 1959 and UN Resolution 1608 – XV of April 21st 1961

The Systematic Exploitation

otherwise know as the 'Anglophone Problem' is not new regardless of how often the government tries to deny it.

The Foumban Conference of 1961

A picture tells a thousand words. Our collective experience at this conference instructs our position that any future agreements with the government of Cameroon must be enforceable under international law.

How did we get here?

Cameroon is a federation of two distinct countries. To fully appreciate the structural, historical, legal, political, economic and cultural divergence, below are critical timelines and decisions in the history of the federation experiment.

A country born in a rich democratic tradition.

  • 1922 - The Southern Cameroons is given an international status in 1922 as a League of Nations Mandated Territory under British Administration
  • 1931 - The “Cameroons Boundary Commission” meets in London. Under the supervision of the League of Nations, administrators of the British Cameroons and French Cameroun landmark the international boundary by building concrete cement pillar marks along the boundary. Each landmark is the object of a specific topographic document which is co-signed by the Administrators of both countries. 
  • 1946 - The League of Nations ceases to exist and the United Nations approves the Trusteeship Agreements for British Cameroons to be governed by Britain on 6th December 1946.
  • 1949 - Great Britain financial strain as a result of the independence of India makes Britain's ability to maintain its global empire unsustainable. Southern Cameroons is divided into two provinces: Bamenda (capital Bamenda, hence also thus named) and Southern (capital Buea). Residential type of administration is continued with a single British Resident at Buea. Edward John Gibbons is appointed Special Resident.
  • 1950 - Following the Ibadan General Conference, a new constitution for Nigeria devolves more power to the regions. In the subsequent election, thirteen Southern Cameroonian representatives are elected to the Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu.
  • 1953 - The Southern Cameroons representatives, unhappy with the domineering attitude of Nigerian politicians and lack of unity among the ethnic groups in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, declare a "benevolent neutrality" and withdraw from the Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu. At a conference in London from 30th July to 22nd August 1953, the Southern Cameroons delegation asks for a separate region of its own. The British agree, and Southern Cameroons becomes an autonomous region with its capital at Buea. 
  • 1954 - British Southern Cameroons holds its first elections and the first British Southern Cameroons parliament meets on 1st October 1954, with E.M.L Endeley as Premier. Political power shifts to the elected government and British Southern Cameroons is globally recognized as a bastion of democracy in Africa. As French Cameroun and Nigeria prepare for Independence, South Cameroons nationalists debate whether their best interests are served by one of three options - a union with French Cameroun, a union with Nigeria or total independence. 
  • 1955 - John Ngu Foncha creates the Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP). Following a spike in violence in French Cameroun, UPC opposition leader Ernest Ouandié takes refuge in Kumba. British Southern Cameroons also offers political asylum to several Bamileke and Bassa UPC sympathizers escaping from oppression in La République.  Foncha initially seeks a close relationship with the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon, whilst supporting autonomy for Southern Cameroons. His entreaties are rejected by the UPC who want full reunification and a total rejection of French colonialism.
  • 1957 - Under pressure from France, the British authorities in Southern Cameroons deport Ernest Ouandié and other leaders of the UPC to Khartoum, Sudan. Ouandié then moves to Cairo, Egypt, to Conakry, Guinea and finally to Accra, Ghana. The KNDP ends its relationship with the UPC and the British request the ban of the UPC in Southern Cameroons. The KNDP splits from the Kamerun National Congress (of which Foncha had previously been a member) and the two parties become bitter rivals over the KNC's support for incorporation into Nigeria.
  • 1959 - John Ngu Foncha defeats E.M.L Endeley in the first multiparty general elections on 1st February 1959 and Foncha becomes Prime Minister of British Southern Cameroons. The KNDP's stance proves the most popular and they also win the legislative elections in 1959, forcing the Kamerun National Union (KNU) into opposition. As the governing party, the KNDP supports a united independent Cameroon organized along federal lines. 
  • 1960 - The CPNC is established in May 1960 by a merger of the Kamerun National Congress and the Kamerun People's Party, which had contested the 1959 elections. E.M.L. Endeley's Cameroon People's National Convention (CPNC), which supported the integration with Nigeria, emerges as the main source of opposition to KNDP hegemony. KNDP attempts to absorb the CNPC but attempts fail due to personality clashes.
  • 1961 - On 11 February 1961, a plebiscite organized by the United Nations is held in Cameroon. The plebiscite offers two options only - free association with the independent state of French Cameroun or integration with Nigeria. The third option, independence - backed primarily by P.M Kale is opposed by Sir Andrew Cohen - the UK representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, and as a result it is not presented for consideration, though this action violated the UN's Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted by General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. In the plebiscite of 11th February 1961, Northern Cameroons votes for union with Nigeria, and Southern Cameroons votes for union with (the formerly French) Cameroun. On 12 February 1961, the British Northern Cameroons attaches itself to Nigeria, while the southern part votes for reunification into the Federal Republic Of Cameroon. To negotiate the terms of this union, the Foumban Conference is held on 16–21 July 1961 in violation of UN Resolution 1350-XII of March 13th, 1959 and UN Resolution 1608 – XV of April 21st 1961 which clearly stipulated the terms of validation of the federation. Foncha, the leader of the KNDP, and his delegation accepted the federation subject to 12 amendments to the proposed constitution. The proposals are never integrated by Ahmadou Ahidjo.

A country with a Legacy of Political Repression.

  • 1946 - 24 ‘evolues’  (comprising 14 government employees) from La République are deputized to serve in the French National Assembly.
  • 1947 - On 10 April 1947, at a meeting in the bar Chez Sierra in Bassa, Ruben Um Nyobe creates the UPC. Twelve men assist in the founding meeting, including Charles Assalé, Léonard Bouli, and Guillaume Bagal. The majority of the participants are trade unionists. In many ways UPC is a continuation of the Cameroonian Rally (RACAM). On 11 April 1948 a Provisional Bureau is established. Bouli is elected general secretary, Bagal joint general secretary, Emmanuel Yap treasurer and J-R Biboum the joint treasurer. The following day the statutes of UPC are deposited at the Mayor's office in Douala at 10.50 am. The group is, however, not legally registered. On April 13, the UPC issues its first public declaration of intent, the "Appeal to the Cameroonians".
  • 1948 - Following the non-responsiveness of the local French authorities and harsh treatment of local populations, Ruben Um Nyobe demands immediate independence from France.
  • 1950 - On April 10, 1950 the enlarged Leading Committee holds a meeting in Dschang. During the course of the meeting a decision is taken to regard the function as the first congress of UPC. The congress lasts until April 13. A new Leading Committee is elected with President: Chief Mathias Djiomessi; General Secretary: Ruben Um Nyobé; Vice-presidents: Guillaume Bagal, Phillipe Essama Essi, Félix Moumié, Samuel Noumouwe and Treasurer: Emmanuel Yap. After the congress Charles Assalé leaves the movement and joins the procolonial fold. The party starts publication of four papers La Voix du Cameroun, Lumière, Étoile and Vérité.
  • 1952 - After trying a parliamentary vote in 1952 without success, the UPC turns to the United Nations, who had the guardianship of Cameroon, to demand independence and reunification. Under the aegis of Ruben Um Nyobé, the Secretary-General, the party tenders three requests to the 4th UN General Assembly supervising committee in December 1952: (1) Revision of the trusteeship agreements of 13 December 1946 that were signed without any prior consultation of the people contrary to what was claimed by Louis-Paul Aujoulat and Alexandre Douala Manga Bell, who said '... the trusteeship agreement was subject to widespread distribution, and a very broad debate in Cameroon, it has been approved by the Cameroonian people ..." (2) Immediate reunification with British Southern Cameroons; (3) Setting of a date (10 years) to end the trusteeship agreements and provide access to the political independence of Cameroon. Ruben Um Nyobé proposes that for about ten years before independence there should be a program that would give Cameroons adequate training to assume responsibility for the state arising from independence.
  • 1953 - Faced with increased repression by France's colonial power, the UPC follows the urging of Dr. Félix-Roland Moumié to move into radical political action. According to historian Bernard Droz, China provides weapons to the UPC. Seven years after its founding, in 1955 the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon controls 460 village or neighborhood committees and 80,000 members, particularly on the coast in central, south and west regions of la Republique du Cameroon, predominantly inhabited by the Bamileke and Bassa.
  • 1954 - French High Commissioner Roland Pre takes draconian steps to quash the UPC, bans UPC from legal political activity and forces the movement to go underground.
  • 1955 - After the first revolt in May 1955, suppressed by the French colonial authority at the time, the UPC is dissolved by a decree dated 13 July 1955 issued by the French government of Edgar Faure. Several UPC leaders including Ernest Ouandie are forced to go into exile in Kumba in the British Southern Cameroons, then in Cairo, Conakry, Accra and Beijing. 
  • 1956 -  On 28 January 1956, the UPC presents its position in a declaration to the international press signed by Félix-Roland Moumié (President), Ruben Um Nyobé (Secretary General) and the two Vice-Presidents, Ernest Ouandié and Abel Kingué. They call for reunification of French- and British-administered areas as an independent state.  Armed revolution breaks out in La Republique du Cameroon. Groupe d’Action Nationale (GAN) - a merger of the Bantu Efoula-Meyong Traditional Association led by Charles Assalé and members of the Ngondo establishment led by Soppo Priso is created. Lacking a majority to govern, Paul Soppo Priso (millionaire businessman, France’s preferred presidential candidate and leader of Groupe d’Action Nationale (GAN)) embarks on a mission to convince the UPC to form a government of national unity. First elections take place. With the UPC unable to participate, Andre-Marie Mbida - leader of Les Democrates (representing the Center and Southern regions) and Ahidjo’s Union Camerounais (UC) - a group of Northern parties emerge as frontrunners. On June 23, the Loi Cardre goes into effect and France agrees to independence after a short transitional period.
  • 1957 - The first indegenous 70 member parliament is created in La République. Ahidjo secures a majority with 38 seats, Andre-Marie Mbida comes second with 28 seats and GAN led by Soppo Priso and Charles Assale have only 8 seats. The UPC has no representation and this reality makes Soppo Priso politically irrelevant. Andre-Marie Mbida becomes prime minister and Ahidjo assumes the role of Deputy PM and Minister of the Interior.
  • 1958 - Ruben Um Nyobe is killed in Boumyebel. The government of Andre-Marie Mbida starts running into serious problems. Soppo Priso is overlooked as a replacement primarily due to his desire to seek resolution and integration of the UPC. French High Commissioner Messmer is replaced by French High Commissioner Ramadier who makes a separate deal with Ahidjo to form a new government by orchestrating a motion of no-confidence which results in the resignation of and political demise of Andre-Marie Mbida. Upon the demise of Mbida, Ahidjo cuts another deal with Soppo Priso and Charles Assale which results in the integration of GAN into the UC. Through these maneuvers, Ahidjo emerges as the leading politician in La Republique du Cameroun.
  • 1959 - Ahidjo secretly enters into a series of accords providing for widespread cooperation between  France and La République on military, economic, political and cultural affairs. France proposes the termination of the trusteeship arrangement between La République and France. French High Commissioner Messmer is replaced by French High Commissioner Xavier Torre who encourages Ahidjo to use wide powers under the 1957 and 1958 statutes. Tankeu Noé (a UPC firebrand) sends his fighters to attack the military camp of Mboppi in Douala and takes 19 guns. In the counter-attack, the French are able to obtain a cache of UPC documents that enable them arrest about 100 key partisans. As a result of this action, the French high command of Cameroon decides to call for five companies of troops and five squads of gendarmes from France as reinforcements.
  • 1960 - On January 1, La République du Cameroun becomes an independent republic. The president is elected by the Deputes at the National Assembly. Elections cannot be held by universal suffrage because an armed insurrection is ravaging the country. Ahidjo has only one opponent - Abel Eyinga, who is a lecturer in the Faculty of Law in Algiers and France, resident in Algeria.  On February 21, a constitutional referendum is held and on May 5th, Ahidjo becomes President of La République. On November 3, Félix-Roland Moumié is killed in Geneva by SDECE (French secret services) using the chemical agent thallium. French General Max Briand, who had served previously in Algeria and Indochina, is recruited to leads troops as part of a pacifcation campaign in the Bamiléké territory of the West, Centre and Littoral provinces. The campaign results in a genocide of hundreds of thousands, with reported stories of evisceration of entire villages using napalm from French helicopters. Future operations also include French troops fresh off the battlefield in Indochina.
  • 1961 - A military tribunal in Yaounde condems Ernest Ouandié and Abel Kingué (in their absence) to deportation. Ouandié secretly returns to Cameroon to work towards the overthrow of the Ahidjo regime.

A Nation Born in Illegality

  • 1961 - On 14 August 1961, the federal constitution is adopted, with Ahidjo as president. John Ngu Foncha becomes the prime minister. On 1st September 1961, the amended constitution is promulgated as the federal constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. This is done in total violation of the strict and specific prescriptio, s of the UNGA Resolution 1608 –XV of 21 April 1961 on the projected union between La Republic du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons as the outcome of the UN-sponsored plebiscite of 11 and 12 February 1961 in the British Cameroons. The federal constitution of 1st September 1961 is signed by the president of La Republique du Cameroun, Ahmadou Ahidjo, alone; and never by John Ngu Foncha, the Prime Minister of the Southern Cameroons. 
  • 1962 - the Francs CFA became the official currency in Cameroon.
  • 1963 - Tankeu Noé - Commander of the UPC's Armée de Libération Nationale Kamerounaise (ALNK) in the Littoral Province is captured and found guilty on 9 September 1963.
  • 1964 - Abel Kingué dies in Cairo on 16 June 1964, leaving Ouandié as the last member of the original UPC leadership. Ahidjo declares that Ouandié is public enemy number one.
  • 1965 - Foncha is forced to relinquish his position as Prime Minister of West Cameroon in 1965 when he becomes Vice-President to Ahidjo on a joint ticket as the Constitution of Cameroon stated that both offices could not be held simultaneously. As a consequence, Augustine Ngom Jua is chosen as the new Prime Minister, although not before a round of bitter in-fighting which saw Solomon Tandeng Muna, who had been an important figure in the foundation of the KNDP, split away to form his own Cameroon United Congress (CUC). Initially this puts the KNDP in a weaker position, particularly with regards to the UC which was the only effective party in the East. However before long KNDP dominance becomes complete as when the CPNC and the CUC are absorbed by the KNDP.
  • 1966 - Ahidjo, relying on a pervasive internal security apparatus, outlaws all political parties but his own in 1966. Finally the two dominant parties merge into one, the Cameroonian National Union, and almost immediately this group becomes the sole party in a unitary state. The CNU is formed in 1966 through a merger of the Cameroon Union (Union Camerounaise) and the Kamerun National Democratic Party, the major political organizations, respectively, of the eastern and western regions, and four smaller parties.
  • 1968 - Solomon Tandeng Muna becomes as the first Prime Minister of the federated state of West Cameroon on January 11, 1968.
  • 1970 - On 28 March 1970 Ahidjo renews his mandate as the head of the supreme magistracy. Ernest Ouandie is captured, tried and found guilty of plotting to assassinate the President.
  • 1971 - Ernest Ouandie and Bishop Ndongmo of Nkongsamba are tried for treason by a military tribunal in January 1971, found guilty and sentenced to death by firing squad. Ndongmo’s sentence is commuted to life imprisonment, and he is sent to a prison camp in Tcholliré. Ernest Ouandie is publicly executed on 15 January 1971 in Bafoussam.
  • 1972 - On June 2, 1972, Solomon Tandeng Muna becomes Vice President. In 1972, a new constitution replaces the federation with a unitary state called the United Republic of Cameroon, triggering a new wave of tension between the French and English speaking areas of Cameroon.

The End of the Federation

  • 1975 - Ahidjo appoints Paul Biya as Prime Minister of Cameroon on 30 June 1975, and Solomon Tandeng Muna is appointed Speaker of the National Assembly.
  • 1979 - In June 1979, a new law designates the Prime Minister as the President's constitutional successor.
  • 1982 - Ahidjo unexpectedly announces his resignation on 4 November 1982, and Biya accordingly succeeds him as President of Cameroon on 6 November.

The Institutionalization of Marginalization

  • 1983 - Biya begins his administration by making public overtures towards democratic government and communal liberalism.
  • 1984 -  Following a failed coup d'état, Biya undergoes a metamorphosis in his leadership style and embraces the machinations of his predecessor. Paul Biya unilaterally changes the name of the country from United Republic of Cameroon to La Republique du Cameroun.
  • 1990 - Following failed calls for the institutionalization of multiparty democracy, John Fru Ndi launches the Social Democratic Front (SDF), based largely in the Anglophone region of the country. With the reintroduction of multi-party politics in December 1990, the former British Southern Cameroons pressure groups called for greater autonomy.
  • 1997 - Cameroon is viewed as rife with corruption at all levels of government. In 1997, Cameroon established anti-corruption bureaus in 29 ministries, but only 25% became operational
  • 1999 - The Rough Guide to West Africa criticizes the creation of roadblocks around the country as designed to allow police and gendarmes to collect bribes from travelers. Except for the several relatively good toll road which connect major cities (all of them one-lane) roads are poorly maintained and subject to inclement weather, since only 10% of the roadways are tarred.
  • 2006 - Human rights organizations allege that the government suppresses the freedoms of opposition groups by preventing demonstrations, disrupting meetings, and arresting opposition leaders and journalists. Freedom House ranks Cameroon as "not free" in terms of political rights and civil liberties. Newspapers routinely self-censor to avoid government reprisals. The major radio and television stations are state-run and other communications, such as land-based telephones and telegraphs, are largely under government control.
  • 2007 - Human rights organizations accuse police and military forces of mistreating and even torturing criminal suspects, ethnic minorities, homosexuals and political activists. Prisons are overcrowded with little access to adequate food and medical facilities, and prisons run by traditional rulers in the north are charged with holding political opponents at the behest of the government.
  • 2009 - UN estimates that about a third of the population was living below the international poverty threshold of US$1.25 a day.
  • 2012 - Transparency International places Cameroon at number 144 on a list of 176 countries ranked from least to most corrupt. Life expectancy at birth is estimated to be 54.71 years in 2012, among the lowest in the world. Endemic diseases include dengue fever, filariasis, leishmaniasis, malaria, meningitis, schistosomiasis, and sleeping sickness.
  • 2013 - The World Health Organization reports that in Cameroon, there is only one doctor for every 5,000 people. Due to financial cuts in the health care system, there are few professionals. Doctors and nurses who were trained in Cameroon, emigrate because in Cameroon the payment is poor while the workload is high. Nurses are unemployed even though their help is needed. Some of them help out voluntarily so they will not lose their skills. Outside the major cities, facilities are often dirty and poorly equipped.
  • 2014 - In December 2014, a List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor issued by the Bureau of International Labor Affairs mentions Cameroon among the countries that resort to child labor in the production of cocoa. U.S. Department of Labor Findings on the Worst Forms of Child Labor report that 56% of children aged 5 to 14 are working children and almost 53% of children aged 7 to 14 have to combine work and school.

Systematic Marginalization

Since 1961, the people of Southern Cameroons have been systematically marginalized from political, economic, social and cultural opportunities in the federation. Furthermore, the equitable distribution of authority upon which the federation was founded is yet to be implemented.

The United Nations Resolutions

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The Foumban Conference of 1961

At the Foumban conference, Ahidjo presented delegates with a draft constitution. By the end of the conference, instead of creating an entirely new constitution, the contributions of the Southern Cameroons delegates were reflected in suggestions made to the draft initially presented to them. John Ngu Foncha and Ahidjo intended for the Foumban Constitutional Conference to be brief,

On May 6, 1972, Ahidjo announces his decision to make the Federal Republic into a unitary state, on the provision that the idea was supported via referendum. This suggestion violated the articles in the Foumban document that read: ‘any proposal for the revision of the present constitution, which impairs the unity and integrity of the Federation shall be inadmissible,’ and 'proposals for revision shall be adopted by simple majority vote of the members of the Federal Assembly, provided that such majority includes a majority of the representatives ... of each of the Federated States,'... not through referendum. Such violations easily allowed for the passing of the referendum that turned the Federal Republic into the United Republic of Cameroon.Taking into account these actions, the evidence shows that the Francophone's intentions may have not been to form a federal state, but rather to annex Southern Cameroons and not treat them as equals.

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How to customize formatting for each rich text

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What’s a Rich Text element?

The rich text element allows you to create and format headings, paragraphs, blockquotes, images, and video all in one place instead of having to add and format them individually. Just double-click and easily create content.

Static and dynamic content editing

A rich text element can be used with static or dynamic content. For static content, just drop it into any page and begin editing. For dynamic content, add a rich text field to any collection and then connect a rich text element to that field in the settings panel. Voila!

How to customize formatting for each rich text

Headings, paragraphs, blockquotes, figures, images, and figure captions can all be styled after a class is added to the rich text element using the "When inside of" nested selector system.

What’s a Rich Text element?

The rich text element allows you to create and format headings, paragraphs, blockquotes, images, and video all in one place instead of having to add and format them individually. Just double-click and easily create content.

Static and dynamic content editing

A rich text element can be used with static or dynamic content. For static content, just drop it into any page and begin editing. For dynamic content, add a rich text field to any collection and then connect a rich text element to that field in the settings panel. Voila!

How to customize formatting for each rich text

Headings, paragraphs, blockquotes, figures, images, and figure captions can all be styled after a class is added to the rich text element using the "When inside of" nested selector system.

What’s a Rich Text element?

The rich text element allows you to create and format headings, paragraphs, blockquotes, images, and video all in one place instead of having to add and format them individually. Just double-click and easily create content.

Static and dynamic content editing

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ALLOCATION OF REVENUES

Advocates for the fundamental rights of the people of Southern Cameroons and others citizens are being abducted daily from their common law regions of residence to Yaounde for trial in military tribunals where the burden of proof is subject to influence by the government.

Arbitrary Killings bordering on Genocide

We have received reports of the killing of unarmed civilians by the government. Several bodies have been found and families continue to report missing relatives who may be dead. The Consortium maintains a database of all missing persons to ensure future accountability.

Rape

Several young women have been raped by paramilitary forces. Acts of sexual violence are rampant when forces are deployed to university campuses to intimidate and arrest students. To date, the government  has not rejected the use of rape as a tool of repression or war.

GHOST TOWN OPERATIONS

Advocates for the fundamental rights of the people of Southern Cameroons and others citizens are being abducted daily from their common law regions of residence to Yaounde for trial in military tribunals where the burden of proof is subject to influence by the government.

Arbitrary Killings bordering on Genocide

We have received reports of the killing of unarmed civilians by the government. Several bodies have been found and families continue to report missing relatives who may be dead. The Consortium maintains a database of all missing persons to ensure future accountability.

Rape

Several young women have been raped by paramilitary forces. Acts of sexual violence are rampant when forces are deployed to university campuses to intimidate and arrest students. To date, the government  has not rejected the use of rape as a tool of repression or war.

Our People's Inalienable Rights

are derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Ongoing Resistance Initiatives

To date, the Consortium has called for a series of non-violent actions to demonstrate our resistance to the status quo. Most of these initiatives have been in Cameroon - but due to the repressive response of the government, it has become necessary for us to broaden the theatre of engagement.

GHOST TOWN OPERATIONS

Our Ghost Town actions call for a complete withdrawal from all forms of public life. Every citizen of Southern Cameroons is encouraged to stay home and spend their time focused on their families or in prayer. This form of resistance also helps preserve the lives of our people because they are not on the streets that are now occupied by trigger-happy forces who are protecting the interests of the government.

ECONOMIC BOYCOTTS

Our citizens are also encouraged to boycott businesses where senior members of government are known to have proprietary interests or where evidence exists that these businesses are active in undermining the will of the people. By applying local economic pressure, we hope that these businesses will realize that the absence of peace for many is a inherent threat to their prosperity.

DIPLOMATIC PRESSURE

Due to the lack of political will by the government to resolve these endemic issues through dialogue and enforceable structural reforms, our members have sought to engage foreign diplomatic missions who do business with Cameroon. To date, the response has been very favorable. That said, the urgency of the current crisis requires us to think anew and maximize our outcomes.

Our Campaign For Freedom Enters a New Phase

At the Center of Every Decision in Cameroon is the economic interest of many state and non-state actors.

International Economic Strategy

The Consortium has built a global network to directly engage key economic interests that influence decisions at the highest levels of government in Cameroon. To that end, we are deploying assets to help key economic stakeholders appreciate that the failure by the government of Cameroon to address the current crisis in a manner that meets international thresholds of legitimacy presents an existential threat to their global portfolios. We welcome opportunities for investment - but to the extent current and future economic stakeholders support the status quo, we will be hold them accountable for crimes against humanity. Stakeholders include:

STATE ACTORS

Atrocities perpetated by the Government of Cameroon and key actors will receive maximum coverage in throughout their global circle of influence.

MULTINATIONALS

Multinationals doing business in Cameroon will be held accountable to the extent they support or condone crimes by the government of Cameroon.

INVESTORS

Investors with positions multinationals doing business in Cameroon will be held accountable for the ethical responsibilities and engaged to reassess their portfolios.

REGULATORY AGENCIES

Regulatory Agencies who oversee investors will be engaged to invoke legal action where notified investors fail to take action.

MEDIA INFLUENCERS

Media Influencers will be recruited to ensure maximum focus on the issues affecting the people of Southern Cameroons.

THE PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN CAMEROONS

Rapid response initiative will be invoked to protect the People of Southern Cameroons from future transgressions by the government.

The stakeholders required to deliver on this strategy have been identified and engagement efforts are underway. Based on the response of the government in Cameroon, we will recalibrate - but nothing short of a commitment to peace and an internationally enforceable framework will reduce our resolve.

Restoration Roadmap

The Consortium is committed to a sustained non-violent resistance campaign until all the rights of the people of Southern Cameroons are fully restored. To ensure lasting peace in Southern Cameroons and beyond, the Consortium urges President Biya to accept the following roadmap to peace as a precondition to the cessation of our non-violent resistance efforts.

1

DE-ESCALATION

The Consortium calls for a cessation of paramilitary operations in Southern Cameroons and a general amnesty for all citizens from Southern Cameroons.

  • General amnesty for all political abductees
  • Release of Barrister Felix Agbor Balla, Dr. Fontem Neba, Chief Justice Paul Ayah, Mancho Bibixy and all other civil society leaders currently detained
  • Directive from President Paul Biya to guarantee the fundamental human rights of all citizens consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
  • Directive from President Paul Biya to guarantee freedom of the press
  • Directive from President Paul Biya to guarantee the governments's commitment to a resolving the issues presented by the Anglophones under supervision by International Organizations acceptable to the people of Southern Cameroons

2

WITHDRAWAL

The Consortium calls for a withdrawal of all paramilitary operations in Southern Cameroons 

  • Phased withdrawal of all paramilitary operations from Southern Cameroons
  • Creation of a cordon sanitaire between the people of Southern Cameroons and La Republique forces
  • Identification of key perpetrators of current violent actions

3

CONSULTATION

The Consortium calls for a grace period for independent consultation between representatives of the government and representatives of the people of Southern Cameroons.

  • Consultation between all groups representing the people of Southern Cameroons
  • Consultation between all groups representing the government of Cameroon
  • Constitution of negotiation teams
  • Communication of negotiation topics by both sides
  • Confirmation of negotiation timeframe
  • Designation of a neutral international negotiation venue.

4

NEGOTIATION

The Consortium calls for a negotiation period between representatives of the government and representatives of the people of Southern Cameroons at a neutral venue with participation by international observers and mediators.

  • Suspension of ongoing strike actions
  • Initiation of negotiations
  • Communication of agreements
  • Agreement on internationally-enforceable framework and timelines
  • Creation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission
  • Signing of Final Agreement
  • Closure

Getting Involved

The Consortium believes that freedom is a natural aspiration for every human being. As such, attempts by the government to stifle calls for reform are tactical maneuvers designed to frustrate what is all but certain. Our mission is to engage the government and its economic stakeholders in a serious way, address the issues impacting our federal experiment and explore options that will guarantee sustainable peace built on justice, freedom and legitimacy. This campaign is your campaign and we welcome you to participate.

1

Contact Us

Express your interest in joining our Economic Stakeholder Engagement Team. Anyone can make a BIG difference.

2

Learn the Protocols for Engagement

Our team will teach you how to be effective in advocating for our people. Again, anyone who can use a computer or is on Social Media already can participate.

3

Get connected to Key Influencers

Get direct information on the people who make all the economic decisions that affect Cameroon. Identify the people who are making bad decisions and work with the people making good decisions to build a moral governing majority.

4

Engage the Economic Stakeholders

Stay engaged for as long as it takes. We have the advantage. We just teach more people like you to make a BIG difference without resorting to violence.